The following is written by a Dutch traveler. The article can be found in his site.
A couple of years ago I left my home in Boskoop, The Netherlands to travel to Nepal, Asia.
During that trip I visited Germany, Austria, Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia, Montenegro, Kosovo, Macedonia, Greece, Turkey, Iran, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, China, Pakistan, India and Nepal.
Preparation (getting the bike ready, visa's, etc.) took about 6 months. I left in the spring and returned (by plane) 3 months later.
I kept a blog during the trip; it's still more or less on-line: www.boskoop2nepal.nl
Proof: This is me riding in N. Pakistan (Karakorum Highway):
http://www.boskoop2nepal.nl/blog/wp-content/uploads/2008/06/dsc-2839.jpg
EDIT 1: The route
http://www.boskoop2nepal.nl/blog/wp-content/themes/autumn-concept-10/images/mainpic01.gif
EDIT 2: A short ride report with pics:
http://www.advrider.com/forums/showthread.php?t=403365
EDIT 3: Ok, about to go to bed, will check tomorrow for any unanswered questions.
Often asked questions:
-What bike?
Honda Africa Twin. I bought the bike specifically for the trip. It was 2nd hand, imported from Italy (not by me) with 28000km on the odometer. I modded the bike: bigger fuel tank (44liter), GPS (Garmin), heated grips, huge airhorn, steel tube protection frame, aluminum panniers, etc. Also a full service & new tires. All together I think the bike & luggage weighs around 350kg.
-Navigation?
I took maps along of every part of my route. All can be bought online. The GPS helps, nut mostly you just follow the road/path to the next town/village. That can be anywhere from 10km to 600km. Locals can tell you how to get to the next village (but usually not further, they don't know/never been).
-Visa?
Before leaving, I organized all the required visas. Some I got in The Netherlands (The Hague) and for some I had to go to Brussels. It's a hassle, it costs a lot of money, but there is no way around it. You can get agencies to do it for you, but that can cost a lot of money.
The Turkmen visa was the hardest to get. Normally, you can only travel in Turkmenistan with a guide 24/7. But there is a loophole: you can get a transit visa which allows you to enter, travel, and leave. So I told them that I would be entering from Iran in order to go to Uzbekistan. I asked for 6 days visa, considering the distance I would be traveling that would give me a day to visit the capital and an extra day in case of emergencies.
-Money?
Some of the countries visited were cash only (for example Iran, Turkmenistan), others have ATM's (for example Pakistan, India, Nepal, China). So you have to bring lots of US$ with you (yes, they accept the US$ anywhere, really anywhere). I carried some on my body, and some was hidden on the bike.
-Costs (EURO)?
Bike was about 3-4K, I spend about 7K along the way, flight back & bike shipping about 2K, paperwork & guides 1K. Add maybe 1K for things I forgot.
-Dangers?
I took a security course in the UK before I left. They cater to journalists & tourists that go to 'difficult' countries. Their analysis was that the biggest danger would be the traffic in India! I took normal precautions, and was never at 1 place for more that a few days. So usually if I would have attracted any attention, I was gone before they really noticed me. But I never really felt in danger. I never traveled at night and almost always slept in hotels/hostels/family homes where the bike was parked in a safe place. Sometimes that would be inside, next to the reception. And, no, I didn't bring any guns (why Americans have such a fascination for guns, I'll never understand).
Contrary to popular opinion, crime rates in most of these countries are very low. In some you have more to fear from the police/military than the population. They tend to be extremely welcoming, friendly & curious.
-Repairs/spare parts
I took a pair of tires with me to switch just before Turkmenistan. I also sent a pair ahead to China, together with oil & air filters. I carried a lot of spares, because after Istanbul, it's really hard if not impossible to get anything for such a (big) bike. I suffered no problems, except a flat tire in China due to a huge iron nail. I also carries spare inner tubes and an air pump. I'm quite handy with tools & repairs, so that was no problem. I took plenty tools along.
-Food & lodging
You can get food anywhere (duh), and they have hotels and restaurants anywhere (duh), although they may not look like anything you've ever seen. A restaurant can be a roadside shack and a hotel can turn out not to have any water .. I always carried a lot of water on the bike, and I had some camping/survival food with me, just in case. I also carried a tent, sleeping bag and simple cooking set. I camped in the desert of Iran and Turkmenistan (amazing).
-Route (loop in China)
I wanted to cross the desert, and I took the Cross Desert Highway, 600km of sand, sand and then some more sand. So I made that loop (clockwise). Cool, you can see that desert from space!
-General
I found people on average everywhere very friendly and sympathetic to my travels. People in remote places are thrilled to see strangers visit them, especially someone from that far away, alone on a motorcycle. Poor people relate different to motorcycles then we do. For them it's the transportation of the poor, the rich have cars .. so if you're on a bike, even from the west, you can't be rich ..
I also 'discovered' that:
-governments suck, not people
-Northern Pakistan is the most beautiful place on earth
Sunday, March 25, 2012
Tuesday, March 13, 2012
General Pasha put rare check on US influence
By Ansar Abbasi
ISLAMABAD: General Ahmad Shuja Pasha would have made many mistakes and would have failed on many fronts but he did wonders in limiting the role of CIA and FBI agents in Pakistan, the contribution that makes him look different from many others.
Gen Pasha has been the most hated Pakistani in Washington and a real pain in the neck for the CIA. For the same reason, his retirement has brought a sigh of relief to the Intelligence circles in the US. He was a rare breed of Generals, who would not be impressed with the influence of Washington and its powerful intelligence chief.
He has been the most difficult man to tackle for the Panettas and Patreauses of this world hence there have been demands from Washington that Pasha should be removed. It was his candidness and bluntness with his US counterparts, which made him one of the most powerful spymasters in the world.
Coming from a humble but well educated family and after having cleanly served the army with distinction for almost 35 years, Pasha took over as ISI chief, the position that earned him a lot of embarrassments and controversies.
Failures connected to the ISI during his tenure as its DG should remain a burden for him but there is hardly anyone to appreciate how he managed to limit the role of the American agencies in Pakistan.
Following 9/11 General Musharraf had put the sovereignty of Pakistan at stake and on sale by giving the kind of free hand to US agents that was simply unimaginable. “We had no idea how many foreign as well as local agents of CIA and FBI were operating within the territorial limits of Pakistan,” an official source said, adding that the American agents were spread all over.
Not only had Musharraf allowed the CIA and FBI to hire local agents in Pakistan in the garb of so-called war on terror, the Americans were also free to move in and out without any check. “At times we did not know who is coming and who is going, and what is brought in and what it taken out,” the source said.
This unimaginable concession for the US officials was first brought under check by no one else but Pasha on whose orders in October 2009 the facility of unchecked arrivals and departures with no scrutiny of their luggage at the Benazir Bhutto International Airport (BBIA) in Islamabad was formally withdrawn.
Gammon Gate of the BBIA, which was basically meant for food catering services and had a direct outside airport link without passing through immigration and customs checks, was specified for the US officials and for the UN officials too. This special facility had allowed the Americans to have unchecked arrivals and departures to and from the Islamabad Airport. The facility was massively misused and there were reports of even unauthorised and undeclared import of sensitive material and equipment, including weapons.
A CAA order, issued on the subject in 2009, did concede that the customs and immigration authorities have no arrangements/staff to check the movement and crew and other foreigners, etc. “The equipment related to aeroplane, the crew and their personal luggage also passes through this gate. During checking, US vehicles and the luggage they carry to and from apron area are not properly searched/checked by the ASF staff deputed to control the entry/exit at the Gammon Gate,” a document said, adding in view of this, use of the Gammon Gate by foreigners should be stopped forthwith as it was a serious security hazard.
In the garb of training, the CIA spies had their presence in and around vital sites of Pakistan’s national security. Police College Sihala near Kahuta Nuclear Plant was one such sensitive site from where Gen Pasha managed to root them out and packed them back to Washington.
To check the activities of ruthless members of Blackwater and DynCorp, the ISI under Pasha started checking the US “officials” and “diplomats” on the roads of Pakistan and even started questioning them and in some cases even taking them to police stations.
It was also on the direction of Pasha that action was launched against DynCorp and its local partner Inter-Risk, which was issued the prohibited bore licences by the interior ministry on the request of the US embassy.
Besides pushing the already present CIA and FBI agents out of Pakistan, Pasha pursued the policy of strict monitoring of the US visitors. He wanted a tight scrutiny of every visitor coming from Washington - a move that made the US administration angry.
Washington put pressure on the rulers in Islamabad, who in a strange decision had allowed its embassy in Washington under Hussain Haqqani to issue visas to US officials without getting clearance from the security agencies of Pakistan.
The issue of Raymond Davis and May 2 Abbottabad shame brought CIA and the ISI face to face. Clashes between CIA and ISI had actually begun after the Army chief’s refusal to lauch operation in North Waziristan, with Gen Shuja Pasha refusing to cooperate with the CIA unless the relationship was on an equal footing.
According to one report, visas to 1545 US employees in the name of diplomats, trainers, NGO workers or NATO officials were issued controversially and without proper scrutiny. After the Raymond Davis case, the ISI had asked CIA to disclose the location of its agents/employees in Pakistan and the nature of their appointment in Pakistan. After repeated questioning CIA kept denying that they had so many operatives in Pakistan. The ISI managed to expel many of them following the release of Raymond Davis - the incident that was a great embarrassment for Pakistanis - however the complete cleansing was still not done.
The clashes between ISI and CIA worsened when Pasha reportedly insisted on the one-point agenda that ISI would not support any CIA activity in Afghanistan or Pakistan if they do not declare their operatives in Pakistan. To this effect the CIA officials said in plain words that no such clarification would be made to ISI as all visas have been issued duly and by the Pakistani authorities. However, after a lot of discussion the CIA, according to the report, agreed to declare 1079 officials, which were operating in Pakistan under various capacities, but denied to give any clue about others.
The ISI, on the other hand, had a list of 438 US officials who were in Pakistan but were not present in any consulate or embassy staff of any city. Their whereabouts were reportedly asked from CIA, to which they gave a funny reply that many of them have been lost? The CIA reportedly claimed that these operatives were used in the FATA area for the war on terror but in various incidents they have either been kidnapped or killed by Talibans so now they were no more in Pakistan. This was something Gen Pasha could not stomach.
Pasha in his meeting with former CIA chief Panetta in Washington had clearly stated that if CIA did not trust ISI then ISI too was not bound to keep the ties as they were. Panetta never expected such a curt reply. Exchange of harsh words took place between the two, prompting Gen Pasha to abruptly end his visit. He left USA just 5 hours after his arrival.
ISLAMABAD: General Ahmad Shuja Pasha would have made many mistakes and would have failed on many fronts but he did wonders in limiting the role of CIA and FBI agents in Pakistan, the contribution that makes him look different from many others.
Gen Pasha has been the most hated Pakistani in Washington and a real pain in the neck for the CIA. For the same reason, his retirement has brought a sigh of relief to the Intelligence circles in the US. He was a rare breed of Generals, who would not be impressed with the influence of Washington and its powerful intelligence chief.
He has been the most difficult man to tackle for the Panettas and Patreauses of this world hence there have been demands from Washington that Pasha should be removed. It was his candidness and bluntness with his US counterparts, which made him one of the most powerful spymasters in the world.
Coming from a humble but well educated family and after having cleanly served the army with distinction for almost 35 years, Pasha took over as ISI chief, the position that earned him a lot of embarrassments and controversies.
Failures connected to the ISI during his tenure as its DG should remain a burden for him but there is hardly anyone to appreciate how he managed to limit the role of the American agencies in Pakistan.
Following 9/11 General Musharraf had put the sovereignty of Pakistan at stake and on sale by giving the kind of free hand to US agents that was simply unimaginable. “We had no idea how many foreign as well as local agents of CIA and FBI were operating within the territorial limits of Pakistan,” an official source said, adding that the American agents were spread all over.
Not only had Musharraf allowed the CIA and FBI to hire local agents in Pakistan in the garb of so-called war on terror, the Americans were also free to move in and out without any check. “At times we did not know who is coming and who is going, and what is brought in and what it taken out,” the source said.
This unimaginable concession for the US officials was first brought under check by no one else but Pasha on whose orders in October 2009 the facility of unchecked arrivals and departures with no scrutiny of their luggage at the Benazir Bhutto International Airport (BBIA) in Islamabad was formally withdrawn.
Gammon Gate of the BBIA, which was basically meant for food catering services and had a direct outside airport link without passing through immigration and customs checks, was specified for the US officials and for the UN officials too. This special facility had allowed the Americans to have unchecked arrivals and departures to and from the Islamabad Airport. The facility was massively misused and there were reports of even unauthorised and undeclared import of sensitive material and equipment, including weapons.
A CAA order, issued on the subject in 2009, did concede that the customs and immigration authorities have no arrangements/staff to check the movement and crew and other foreigners, etc. “The equipment related to aeroplane, the crew and their personal luggage also passes through this gate. During checking, US vehicles and the luggage they carry to and from apron area are not properly searched/checked by the ASF staff deputed to control the entry/exit at the Gammon Gate,” a document said, adding in view of this, use of the Gammon Gate by foreigners should be stopped forthwith as it was a serious security hazard.
In the garb of training, the CIA spies had their presence in and around vital sites of Pakistan’s national security. Police College Sihala near Kahuta Nuclear Plant was one such sensitive site from where Gen Pasha managed to root them out and packed them back to Washington.
To check the activities of ruthless members of Blackwater and DynCorp, the ISI under Pasha started checking the US “officials” and “diplomats” on the roads of Pakistan and even started questioning them and in some cases even taking them to police stations.
It was also on the direction of Pasha that action was launched against DynCorp and its local partner Inter-Risk, which was issued the prohibited bore licences by the interior ministry on the request of the US embassy.
Besides pushing the already present CIA and FBI agents out of Pakistan, Pasha pursued the policy of strict monitoring of the US visitors. He wanted a tight scrutiny of every visitor coming from Washington - a move that made the US administration angry.
Washington put pressure on the rulers in Islamabad, who in a strange decision had allowed its embassy in Washington under Hussain Haqqani to issue visas to US officials without getting clearance from the security agencies of Pakistan.
The issue of Raymond Davis and May 2 Abbottabad shame brought CIA and the ISI face to face. Clashes between CIA and ISI had actually begun after the Army chief’s refusal to lauch operation in North Waziristan, with Gen Shuja Pasha refusing to cooperate with the CIA unless the relationship was on an equal footing.
According to one report, visas to 1545 US employees in the name of diplomats, trainers, NGO workers or NATO officials were issued controversially and without proper scrutiny. After the Raymond Davis case, the ISI had asked CIA to disclose the location of its agents/employees in Pakistan and the nature of their appointment in Pakistan. After repeated questioning CIA kept denying that they had so many operatives in Pakistan. The ISI managed to expel many of them following the release of Raymond Davis - the incident that was a great embarrassment for Pakistanis - however the complete cleansing was still not done.
The clashes between ISI and CIA worsened when Pasha reportedly insisted on the one-point agenda that ISI would not support any CIA activity in Afghanistan or Pakistan if they do not declare their operatives in Pakistan. To this effect the CIA officials said in plain words that no such clarification would be made to ISI as all visas have been issued duly and by the Pakistani authorities. However, after a lot of discussion the CIA, according to the report, agreed to declare 1079 officials, which were operating in Pakistan under various capacities, but denied to give any clue about others.
The ISI, on the other hand, had a list of 438 US officials who were in Pakistan but were not present in any consulate or embassy staff of any city. Their whereabouts were reportedly asked from CIA, to which they gave a funny reply that many of them have been lost? The CIA reportedly claimed that these operatives were used in the FATA area for the war on terror but in various incidents they have either been kidnapped or killed by Talibans so now they were no more in Pakistan. This was something Gen Pasha could not stomach.
Pasha in his meeting with former CIA chief Panetta in Washington had clearly stated that if CIA did not trust ISI then ISI too was not bound to keep the ties as they were. Panetta never expected such a curt reply. Exchange of harsh words took place between the two, prompting Gen Pasha to abruptly end his visit. He left USA just 5 hours after his arrival.
Thursday, March 8, 2012
Pakistan to export handguns to United States: PHSADC
PESHAWAR: Pakistan Hunting and Sporting Arms Development Company (PHSADC) has signed memorandum of understandings (MoUs) with two international companies for the promotion of the export of hunting and sporting arms in United States and Lebanon.
The memorandums in these regards were signed during IWA and Outdoor Classics 2011 Exhibition in Nuremberg, Germany in the presence of Federal Minister for Industries and Production (MoIP), Mir Hazar Khan Bijarani On behalf of Pakistan Hunting & Sporting Arms Development Company, Khalid Chadda signed the agreement while the US and Lebanon companies were represented by their respective representatives.
During a meeting headed by Federal Minister for Industries and Production, Mir Hazar Khan Bijarani with the president of the US-based Century International Arms Corporation an order for the export of 2500 handguns on monthly basis was finalized.
In addition, Century International Arms Corporation also agreed to invest in Pakistan for setting up a state of the art Fire Arm manufacturing unit. This unit will export thousands of hunting and sporting arms to United States on monthly bases.
The second achievement of the company was the signing of another memorandum with Mairage Ramia B.S.N.L of Lebanon in the presence of the federal minister.
According to the memorandum Mairage Ramia B.S.N.L will represent Pakistani hunting & sporting arms in Lebanon for coming three years till Dec 2013, this contract is extendable on mutual understanding further.
Federal Minister for Industries and Production (MoIP) Hazar Khan Bijarani along with Chairman PIDC Gul Mohammad Rind is heading the team of Pakistan Hunting and Sporting Arms Development Company (PHSADC) in the exhibition.
Speaking on the occasion the Federal Minister appreciated the efforts of PHSADC team and its professional attitude in the promotion and presentation of Pakistani products in a very organized manner in the World II largest event of hunting and shooting sports.
He added that PHSADC is well equipped with in-depth product knowledge besides professional marketing and selling skills and the placing of orders by international customers is ample proof of it.
"These well planned efforts would help turn up in bringing precious foreign exchange and creating of more employment in the sector," concluded the minister.
The memorandums in these regards were signed during IWA and Outdoor Classics 2011 Exhibition in Nuremberg, Germany in the presence of Federal Minister for Industries and Production (MoIP), Mir Hazar Khan Bijarani On behalf of Pakistan Hunting & Sporting Arms Development Company, Khalid Chadda signed the agreement while the US and Lebanon companies were represented by their respective representatives.
During a meeting headed by Federal Minister for Industries and Production, Mir Hazar Khan Bijarani with the president of the US-based Century International Arms Corporation an order for the export of 2500 handguns on monthly basis was finalized.
In addition, Century International Arms Corporation also agreed to invest in Pakistan for setting up a state of the art Fire Arm manufacturing unit. This unit will export thousands of hunting and sporting arms to United States on monthly bases.
The second achievement of the company was the signing of another memorandum with Mairage Ramia B.S.N.L of Lebanon in the presence of the federal minister.
According to the memorandum Mairage Ramia B.S.N.L will represent Pakistani hunting & sporting arms in Lebanon for coming three years till Dec 2013, this contract is extendable on mutual understanding further.
Federal Minister for Industries and Production (MoIP) Hazar Khan Bijarani along with Chairman PIDC Gul Mohammad Rind is heading the team of Pakistan Hunting and Sporting Arms Development Company (PHSADC) in the exhibition.
Speaking on the occasion the Federal Minister appreciated the efforts of PHSADC team and its professional attitude in the promotion and presentation of Pakistani products in a very organized manner in the World II largest event of hunting and shooting sports.
He added that PHSADC is well equipped with in-depth product knowledge besides professional marketing and selling skills and the placing of orders by international customers is ample proof of it.
"These well planned efforts would help turn up in bringing precious foreign exchange and creating of more employment in the sector," concluded the minister.
Wednesday, February 1, 2012
Changing perceptions about Pakistan
By Malik Muhammad Ashraf
Needless to emphasize that presently Pakistan is the most misunderstood country in the world and the phenomenon of terrorism and religious extremism, arguably, is the major factor in distorting its image at the global level. This scourge is a sequel to some unimaginative and self-defined strategic policies of the major global powers and equally shortsighted and groveling approach of our past rulers who in their zeal to prolong their power stints bartered away the sovereignty of the country, raising the expectations of our allies to a level where it is simply impossible to deliver without undermining our own security and compromising the national honor.
The result is that despite the fact that Pakistan as a front line state has suffered the most in men and material in the war on terror and helped in dismantling the terrorist network of Osama Bin Laden, our allies and the western countries look askance at our endeavors, doubt our commitment to the war on terror and decidedly remain oblivious to our national and strategic interests in the region.
The Western media with its all-permeating power and unfettered global outreach is also feverishly engaged in maligning Pakistan and soiling its image among the comity of nations.It is encouraging to note that in the wake of the Salala attack that killed 26 military personnel, the government and the establishment have finally been jerked out of the self-imposed slumber and complacency and a vigorous exercise is underway to redefine and recalibrate the terms of our engagement with the US and its allies in conformity with our national and security interests in the region. While recasting the new approach that will be implemented through the diplomatic channels, it is equally imperative for the government to strengthen and bolster efforts to create a better understanding of Pakistan’s position and its image internationally focusing on countering the negative propaganda against Pakistan and projecting a soft image of the country relying on the positive things that have happened and done by Pakistan not only in the war against terror but also the measures put in place to improve economic, social and political conditions in line with the globally accepted principles. The emergence of an independent judiciary and a free media in Pakistan are indeed epoch making developments.
So are the strides taken towards ensuring gender equality and emancipation of women through a number of administrative and legislative measures that strengthen Pakistan’s credentials as a progressive Islamic country. These factors can go a long way in projecting soft image of Pakistan and remove some of the mis-perceptions that exist about Pakistan at the international level. To achieve the foregoing objectives, Pakistan will have to upgrade and restructure the existing PR mechanism at the international level. Our press sections abroad unfortunately are poorly staffed and under-financed. Apart from this perennial shortcoming, we do not have any presence in important capitals of Central Asia, Latin America, Eastern Europe and Australia.
Viewed in the backdrop of these imperatives, the three-day Consultative Conference of the Press Officers, organized by the External Publicity Wing of the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting in Islamabad recently, was a timely and imaginative step to deliberate on the much needed initiative in this regard. Information Minister, Dr.Firdous Ashiq Awan addressing the concluding session made a commitment that the government would spare no effort in upgrading and restructuring the working of the External Publicity Wing and the Press Sections abroad and strengthening the process of capacity building of the Press Officers through language training courses.
Some of the major recommendations made by the forum include: institutionalizing the Consultative forum, organizing exchange of visits by the senior Pakistani journalists abroad through the press sections for interaction with the media personalities of the host countries, opening of new press sections in the areas identified above, public-private partnership in projecting soft image of Pakistan, production of the publicity material in consultation with other ministries and extensive use of the social media at the national and international level.
It is hard to take issue with these long awaited commitments and the desirable initiatives identified by the forum. Pakistan badly needs to enhance the outreach of its Public Relations mechanism and hence opening of more press sections in the identified areas should be given top priority. The proposal for organizing visits of senior Pakistani journalists abroad has a considerable merit as their interaction with their counterparts can help a great deal in repudiating some of the perceptions that exist in the minds of the leaders and forums that shape the public opinion. Public-private collaboration in the domain of Public Relations will not only help in improving the quality of the effort but would lend more credibility to it.
The institutionalization of the consultative forum can also contribute to re-evaluation of the PR efforts periodically and effecting necessary changes in the adopted strategies. In the modern era, media has assumed tremendous importance and power. Diplomacy has its own advantages and efficacy, but it cannot match the power of communications in changing perceptions and attitudes of the people and influencing their judgments. Pakistan needs a sustained and well-orchestrated effort to use the power of media and the PR regime to address the issue of image building in the larger and long-term interest of the country. We need to recognize the existing and emerging regional and global realities and re-choreograph our strategies accordingly. We need to pursue our objectives with a pro-active and rational approach. There is no room for complacency. The deliberations of the consultative forum must be implemented immediately. One hopes that the Information Minister will make sure that the commitments she has made are translated into reality and this commendable initiative does not whither away like a damp squib.
Needless to emphasize that presently Pakistan is the most misunderstood country in the world and the phenomenon of terrorism and religious extremism, arguably, is the major factor in distorting its image at the global level. This scourge is a sequel to some unimaginative and self-defined strategic policies of the major global powers and equally shortsighted and groveling approach of our past rulers who in their zeal to prolong their power stints bartered away the sovereignty of the country, raising the expectations of our allies to a level where it is simply impossible to deliver without undermining our own security and compromising the national honor.
The result is that despite the fact that Pakistan as a front line state has suffered the most in men and material in the war on terror and helped in dismantling the terrorist network of Osama Bin Laden, our allies and the western countries look askance at our endeavors, doubt our commitment to the war on terror and decidedly remain oblivious to our national and strategic interests in the region.
The Western media with its all-permeating power and unfettered global outreach is also feverishly engaged in maligning Pakistan and soiling its image among the comity of nations.It is encouraging to note that in the wake of the Salala attack that killed 26 military personnel, the government and the establishment have finally been jerked out of the self-imposed slumber and complacency and a vigorous exercise is underway to redefine and recalibrate the terms of our engagement with the US and its allies in conformity with our national and security interests in the region. While recasting the new approach that will be implemented through the diplomatic channels, it is equally imperative for the government to strengthen and bolster efforts to create a better understanding of Pakistan’s position and its image internationally focusing on countering the negative propaganda against Pakistan and projecting a soft image of the country relying on the positive things that have happened and done by Pakistan not only in the war against terror but also the measures put in place to improve economic, social and political conditions in line with the globally accepted principles. The emergence of an independent judiciary and a free media in Pakistan are indeed epoch making developments.
So are the strides taken towards ensuring gender equality and emancipation of women through a number of administrative and legislative measures that strengthen Pakistan’s credentials as a progressive Islamic country. These factors can go a long way in projecting soft image of Pakistan and remove some of the mis-perceptions that exist about Pakistan at the international level. To achieve the foregoing objectives, Pakistan will have to upgrade and restructure the existing PR mechanism at the international level. Our press sections abroad unfortunately are poorly staffed and under-financed. Apart from this perennial shortcoming, we do not have any presence in important capitals of Central Asia, Latin America, Eastern Europe and Australia.
Viewed in the backdrop of these imperatives, the three-day Consultative Conference of the Press Officers, organized by the External Publicity Wing of the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting in Islamabad recently, was a timely and imaginative step to deliberate on the much needed initiative in this regard. Information Minister, Dr.Firdous Ashiq Awan addressing the concluding session made a commitment that the government would spare no effort in upgrading and restructuring the working of the External Publicity Wing and the Press Sections abroad and strengthening the process of capacity building of the Press Officers through language training courses.
Some of the major recommendations made by the forum include: institutionalizing the Consultative forum, organizing exchange of visits by the senior Pakistani journalists abroad through the press sections for interaction with the media personalities of the host countries, opening of new press sections in the areas identified above, public-private partnership in projecting soft image of Pakistan, production of the publicity material in consultation with other ministries and extensive use of the social media at the national and international level.
It is hard to take issue with these long awaited commitments and the desirable initiatives identified by the forum. Pakistan badly needs to enhance the outreach of its Public Relations mechanism and hence opening of more press sections in the identified areas should be given top priority. The proposal for organizing visits of senior Pakistani journalists abroad has a considerable merit as their interaction with their counterparts can help a great deal in repudiating some of the perceptions that exist in the minds of the leaders and forums that shape the public opinion. Public-private collaboration in the domain of Public Relations will not only help in improving the quality of the effort but would lend more credibility to it.
The institutionalization of the consultative forum can also contribute to re-evaluation of the PR efforts periodically and effecting necessary changes in the adopted strategies. In the modern era, media has assumed tremendous importance and power. Diplomacy has its own advantages and efficacy, but it cannot match the power of communications in changing perceptions and attitudes of the people and influencing their judgments. Pakistan needs a sustained and well-orchestrated effort to use the power of media and the PR regime to address the issue of image building in the larger and long-term interest of the country. We need to recognize the existing and emerging regional and global realities and re-choreograph our strategies accordingly. We need to pursue our objectives with a pro-active and rational approach. There is no room for complacency. The deliberations of the consultative forum must be implemented immediately. One hopes that the Information Minister will make sure that the commitments she has made are translated into reality and this commendable initiative does not whither away like a damp squib.
Wednesday, January 11, 2012
Pakistan ruined by language myth
By Zubeida Mustafa
Last year I wrote a book highlighting the crisis in Pakistan's education system caused by the way languages are used and taught. Its publication prompted one critic to remark that I was trying to "backwardise" the children of Pakistan. Another said that language was not the problem; it was what we taught that needed to be addressed.
These were typical responses from highly educated, fluent English speakers. They have glorified the English language in Pakistan to the extent that all logic has been put aside. But they wield great influence over public opinion and have even persuaded policymakers that the country's education system can be fixed by hiring teachers competent in English. Such teachers are hired by exclusive private schools, which are beyond the reach of the majority. So proficiency in English automatically becomes the preserve of the affluent.
Since I have been more concerned about the majority's problems, I have pleaded the case of the underprivileged by stating that children must initially begin their schooling in their own tongue, with which they are familiar. This will help their cognitive development and inculcate critical thinking. It will also enable them to be articulate participants in the construction of knowledge in the classroom and discourage the culture of rote learning. English should be introduced at a later stage and taught as a second language.
With the exception of a small minority of children who are bilingual even before they begin school, teaching children in a language other than their mother tongue in the early years does them harm, no matter how good their teachers may be. This approach robs the child of the natural advantage she has in her home language.
A child begins "acquiring" language from her environment soon after she is born. Children have already gained three or four years of language experience in their mother tongue when they start school. If English is to be the school language, these children lose this advantage. The benefit goes to a small minority that is bilingual from the start by virtue of their parents being the products of exclusive English-medium education.
Such is the power of myths about language in Pakistan that a public demand has been created for English. People believe that English is the magic wand that can open the door to prosperity. Policymakers, the wielders of economic power and the social elites have also perpetuated this myth to their own advantage. The door of prosperity has been opened but only for a small elite.
In a multilingual country such as Pakistan where at least eight major languages compete for supremacy, English occupies a special position by virtue of its "neutrality". But the status of English as the language of international communication exerts additional pressure. This importance is reinforced by Pakistan's employment market, which discriminates in favour of the fluent English speaker even though not every job requires an English language expert.
This language paradox has undermined our education standards. With no well-defined language as a medium of instruction policy, we have a fractured system that divides society.
There is an excellent English-based system in the private sector that is expensive and caters for a small wealthy elite. Children from the middle and lower-middle classes go to second-tier private schools charging relatively modest fees. They adopt a strange mix of languages while pretending to be English-medium. Why else would you see schools in the shantytowns of Karachi announce their Anglicised names and the fact that they are "English-medium" in Urdu script? The teachers explain in their mother tongue while teaching from English language textbooks from which the students plagiarise and memorise passages.
It is left to public-sector schools, patronised by the children of the poor, to adopt indigenous languages as the medium of instruction – rather apologetically. With the government rapidly disengaging itself from the education sector, these institutions perform dismally.
As a result, the country is in a state of linguistic confusion. On the one hand people are desperate to be seen as being proficient in English when they are actually not. At the same time they are ashamed of their own language though that is the only language they can communicate in. The ambiguity of the language of instruction policy allows schools to make their own choices, which has contributed to the present crisis in education in Pakistan. The demand for English – a trend set by the privileged elite – has put schools under pressure. Not many teachers who can teach English or teach in English are available.
That is why it would be feasible to get all schools to teach initially in the child's mother tongue while concentrating on improving standards. This would require the production of good textbooks and the training of teachers. Both of these can be done effectively in our own languages. The main challenge would be to decide judiciously which language is to be used as the medium in which region and at what stage other languages, including English, should be introduced.
Training English-as-a-second-language teachers should pose no difficulty. Such teachers can impart basic communication skills in English to their students who would be learning other subjects in their own language. Those going on to higher studies or needing greater competency in English could take up language courses that should be made widely available.
Zubeida Mustafa is an independent journalist based in Karachi. Her book Tyranny of Language in Education: The Problem and its Solution is published by Ushba
Last year I wrote a book highlighting the crisis in Pakistan's education system caused by the way languages are used and taught. Its publication prompted one critic to remark that I was trying to "backwardise" the children of Pakistan. Another said that language was not the problem; it was what we taught that needed to be addressed.
These were typical responses from highly educated, fluent English speakers. They have glorified the English language in Pakistan to the extent that all logic has been put aside. But they wield great influence over public opinion and have even persuaded policymakers that the country's education system can be fixed by hiring teachers competent in English. Such teachers are hired by exclusive private schools, which are beyond the reach of the majority. So proficiency in English automatically becomes the preserve of the affluent.
Since I have been more concerned about the majority's problems, I have pleaded the case of the underprivileged by stating that children must initially begin their schooling in their own tongue, with which they are familiar. This will help their cognitive development and inculcate critical thinking. It will also enable them to be articulate participants in the construction of knowledge in the classroom and discourage the culture of rote learning. English should be introduced at a later stage and taught as a second language.
With the exception of a small minority of children who are bilingual even before they begin school, teaching children in a language other than their mother tongue in the early years does them harm, no matter how good their teachers may be. This approach robs the child of the natural advantage she has in her home language.
A child begins "acquiring" language from her environment soon after she is born. Children have already gained three or four years of language experience in their mother tongue when they start school. If English is to be the school language, these children lose this advantage. The benefit goes to a small minority that is bilingual from the start by virtue of their parents being the products of exclusive English-medium education.
Such is the power of myths about language in Pakistan that a public demand has been created for English. People believe that English is the magic wand that can open the door to prosperity. Policymakers, the wielders of economic power and the social elites have also perpetuated this myth to their own advantage. The door of prosperity has been opened but only for a small elite.
In a multilingual country such as Pakistan where at least eight major languages compete for supremacy, English occupies a special position by virtue of its "neutrality". But the status of English as the language of international communication exerts additional pressure. This importance is reinforced by Pakistan's employment market, which discriminates in favour of the fluent English speaker even though not every job requires an English language expert.
This language paradox has undermined our education standards. With no well-defined language as a medium of instruction policy, we have a fractured system that divides society.
There is an excellent English-based system in the private sector that is expensive and caters for a small wealthy elite. Children from the middle and lower-middle classes go to second-tier private schools charging relatively modest fees. They adopt a strange mix of languages while pretending to be English-medium. Why else would you see schools in the shantytowns of Karachi announce their Anglicised names and the fact that they are "English-medium" in Urdu script? The teachers explain in their mother tongue while teaching from English language textbooks from which the students plagiarise and memorise passages.
It is left to public-sector schools, patronised by the children of the poor, to adopt indigenous languages as the medium of instruction – rather apologetically. With the government rapidly disengaging itself from the education sector, these institutions perform dismally.
As a result, the country is in a state of linguistic confusion. On the one hand people are desperate to be seen as being proficient in English when they are actually not. At the same time they are ashamed of their own language though that is the only language they can communicate in. The ambiguity of the language of instruction policy allows schools to make their own choices, which has contributed to the present crisis in education in Pakistan. The demand for English – a trend set by the privileged elite – has put schools under pressure. Not many teachers who can teach English or teach in English are available.
That is why it would be feasible to get all schools to teach initially in the child's mother tongue while concentrating on improving standards. This would require the production of good textbooks and the training of teachers. Both of these can be done effectively in our own languages. The main challenge would be to decide judiciously which language is to be used as the medium in which region and at what stage other languages, including English, should be introduced.
Training English-as-a-second-language teachers should pose no difficulty. Such teachers can impart basic communication skills in English to their students who would be learning other subjects in their own language. Those going on to higher studies or needing greater competency in English could take up language courses that should be made widely available.
Zubeida Mustafa is an independent journalist based in Karachi. Her book Tyranny of Language in Education: The Problem and its Solution is published by Ushba
Friday, December 30, 2011
Nuclear Iran is not in Pakistan's interest
By Shahzeb Shaikha
Since the International Atomic Energy Agency issued its latest findings on Iran’s nuclear program and activities, policy-makers in the West and the United States in particular are weighing their options on how to respond to Iran’s continued defiance of its Non-Proliferation Treaty obligations.
The Islamic Republic’s nuclear program has possible military dimensions and its stated “peacefulness” lacks credibility. Alarm bells in Israel have been ringing for a long time and a pre-emptive strike on Iran’s nuclear sites seems imminent. Not much is being discussed in Pakistan about the implications of a nuclear Iran, precisely due to Pakistan being consumed by its own problems with the on-going political turmoil and its relations with the United States.
This is an alarming development not only for the geopolitical balance in the Middle East, but also for South Asia. A nuclear Iran is not in Pakistan’s interests. Considering that Iran’s regional interests do not align with those of Pakistan, a nuclear Iran has serious implications of greater belligerent behaviour, regional hegemony and bullying. Even though Pakistan is a nuclear state and any nuclear aggression towards us will be deterred, it would immensely reduce our leverage in relations with Iran—if any.
Being the only Muslim nuclear country, a nuclear Pakistan still has some symbolic value in the eyes of the Muslim world. Even though we are economically weak and, at the behest of foreign financial institutions and governments, our national defence posture will take a deep slide with a nuclear armed state on our western border.
The interests of Pakistan and Iran clash in Afghanistan, and Iran’s relations with our key ally in the Middle East, Saudi Arabia, remain rocky. In the event of a military confrontation between Iran and the West, Pakistan and an unstable Iraq would be the most effected countries due to the spill-over from a potential war. At this time and most likely in the near future, at least Pakistan cannot further bear the burden of a refugee influx. In addition, India’s improving relations with Iran is also mind-boggling for our India-centric attitude and policy. Not that I am justifying this historic posture of ours, this attitude is still wide-spread in the security establishment. We must take that into account.
An ideologically inclined state, Iran’s sectarian outlook and ambitions of regional hegemony will create further divides in the Muslim world and the Middle East in particular. One should also not forget that Iran has played a role in inciting sectarian violence in Pakistan, supporting various Shia factions against their Sunni counterparts. Attaining nuclear status would strengthen Iran’s position and possibly its belligerence in fuelling the sectarian strife.
Iran’s offensive, nonsensical and aggravating statements and position only furthers the prospect of more wars in this region. Just recently, Saudi Arabia Prince Turki al-Faisal, who was the former chief of Saudi Intelligence, expressed the Kingdom’s desire to develop nuclear weapons to counter a future Iranian threat. “It is our duty toward our nation and people to consider all options” he was quoted as saying.
This is a serious development that could spark a potential arms race in the Middle East. We could engage in an intellectual debate about the rationality of these state actors and their willingness to use nuclear weapons—if they attain the capability—but the thought of them going nuclear sends a chill through the rational mind. Many in the West also fear that a nuclear Iran will become bolder in the use of its proxies, namely Hamas and Hezbollah.
It is imperative that Pakistan convene a meeting of the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) to pressure Iran into abandoning its continued defiance of its international obligations – the NPT and the United Nations Security Council Resolutions. Pakistan, along with its allies in the Middle East, should pressure Iran to come to the negotiation table and respect its UN obligations. To avoid a potential arms race in the Middle East and a dooms-day scenario where there may be a nuclear exchange – either by states or through non-state actors – Pakistan should jump on the bandwagon into pressurizing Iran.
Pakistan could not care less about addressing the fears of the West. I suggest this because this is in Pakistan’s vital national security interests and everything should be done to avoid being sandwiched between two nuclear states. We also need to look out for our regional interests in the Middle East. A nuclearised region could have devastating human and economic implications for the region and the world. Pakistan cannot afford either in its current state of weakness.
Since the International Atomic Energy Agency issued its latest findings on Iran’s nuclear program and activities, policy-makers in the West and the United States in particular are weighing their options on how to respond to Iran’s continued defiance of its Non-Proliferation Treaty obligations.
The Islamic Republic’s nuclear program has possible military dimensions and its stated “peacefulness” lacks credibility. Alarm bells in Israel have been ringing for a long time and a pre-emptive strike on Iran’s nuclear sites seems imminent. Not much is being discussed in Pakistan about the implications of a nuclear Iran, precisely due to Pakistan being consumed by its own problems with the on-going political turmoil and its relations with the United States.
This is an alarming development not only for the geopolitical balance in the Middle East, but also for South Asia. A nuclear Iran is not in Pakistan’s interests. Considering that Iran’s regional interests do not align with those of Pakistan, a nuclear Iran has serious implications of greater belligerent behaviour, regional hegemony and bullying. Even though Pakistan is a nuclear state and any nuclear aggression towards us will be deterred, it would immensely reduce our leverage in relations with Iran—if any.
Being the only Muslim nuclear country, a nuclear Pakistan still has some symbolic value in the eyes of the Muslim world. Even though we are economically weak and, at the behest of foreign financial institutions and governments, our national defence posture will take a deep slide with a nuclear armed state on our western border.
The interests of Pakistan and Iran clash in Afghanistan, and Iran’s relations with our key ally in the Middle East, Saudi Arabia, remain rocky. In the event of a military confrontation between Iran and the West, Pakistan and an unstable Iraq would be the most effected countries due to the spill-over from a potential war. At this time and most likely in the near future, at least Pakistan cannot further bear the burden of a refugee influx. In addition, India’s improving relations with Iran is also mind-boggling for our India-centric attitude and policy. Not that I am justifying this historic posture of ours, this attitude is still wide-spread in the security establishment. We must take that into account.
An ideologically inclined state, Iran’s sectarian outlook and ambitions of regional hegemony will create further divides in the Muslim world and the Middle East in particular. One should also not forget that Iran has played a role in inciting sectarian violence in Pakistan, supporting various Shia factions against their Sunni counterparts. Attaining nuclear status would strengthen Iran’s position and possibly its belligerence in fuelling the sectarian strife.
Iran’s offensive, nonsensical and aggravating statements and position only furthers the prospect of more wars in this region. Just recently, Saudi Arabia Prince Turki al-Faisal, who was the former chief of Saudi Intelligence, expressed the Kingdom’s desire to develop nuclear weapons to counter a future Iranian threat. “It is our duty toward our nation and people to consider all options” he was quoted as saying.
This is a serious development that could spark a potential arms race in the Middle East. We could engage in an intellectual debate about the rationality of these state actors and their willingness to use nuclear weapons—if they attain the capability—but the thought of them going nuclear sends a chill through the rational mind. Many in the West also fear that a nuclear Iran will become bolder in the use of its proxies, namely Hamas and Hezbollah.
It is imperative that Pakistan convene a meeting of the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) to pressure Iran into abandoning its continued defiance of its international obligations – the NPT and the United Nations Security Council Resolutions. Pakistan, along with its allies in the Middle East, should pressure Iran to come to the negotiation table and respect its UN obligations. To avoid a potential arms race in the Middle East and a dooms-day scenario where there may be a nuclear exchange – either by states or through non-state actors – Pakistan should jump on the bandwagon into pressurizing Iran.
Pakistan could not care less about addressing the fears of the West. I suggest this because this is in Pakistan’s vital national security interests and everything should be done to avoid being sandwiched between two nuclear states. We also need to look out for our regional interests in the Middle East. A nuclearised region could have devastating human and economic implications for the region and the world. Pakistan cannot afford either in its current state of weakness.
Thursday, December 29, 2011
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